Shifting Enemies: From Basques to Muslims in the forest of Rencesvals

The narrative of the Chanson de Roland transitioned from its historical basis involving Basque adversaries to a portrayal featuring Muslims. This adaptation aligned the epic with the more pervasive and relatable theme of Crusader conflict, which made the story more relevant and accessible to the listeners of the time and served the Crusades' ideological and recruitment drives.

Despite the poem's fantastical elements, it is still possible to discern historical truths within its verses. For instance, the difficulties faced in the siege of Zaragoza—which the song situates on a nearly impregnable mountain—reflect genuine historical challenges. Additionally, the poem accurately incorporates the historical element of negotiating terms for Zaragoza's surrender and the taking of hostages, weaving these factual strands into the fabric of its narrative.

A vibrant stained glass window showing a man being stabbed by a sword by another man.
The legend turns the Basques into Muslims because the "Chanson de Roland" was composed during the time of the Crusades

The geographic setting of the 778 campaign, the Ebro Valley, is dramatically expanded in the Chanson, crafted by Turoldus to depict an occupation across the entire Iberian Peninsula—from Girona and Pamplona in the east to Cádiz and Santiago in the west. This portrayal transforms the historical campaign into a sweeping epic of conquest. Literary critics and historians commonly recognize the place names mentioned in the epic—such as Pamplona, Miranda de Arga, Valtierra, the land of Pina, Balaguer, Tudela, Cortes of Navarre, and the Sierra of Sivil—as locations situated along the route taken by Charlemagne’s forces in 778. These sites are primarily positioned in the south of the Basque Country and align with the strategic path linking Pamplona, Zaragoza, and Girona.

For the eleventh-century audience, living between the First (1096-1099) and the Second Crusades (1147-1149), the theme of Holy War was particularly resonant and compelling. This period was marked by a heightened religious fervor and the crusading spirit was a pervasive element in the popular psyche and culture. Literature from this time, often sponsored by the Church—which acted as the custodian and patron of numerous literary and hagiographic works—sought to bolster the interests of monasteries and other religious institutions. These works, by drawing pilgrims and promoting crusading zeal, played into the broader Church agenda of spiritual and territorial expansion.

The Song of Roland serves this purpose effectively, encapsulating the ideals of martyrdom and divine warfare, which would have appealed deeply to its contemporary audience. Through the character of Marsile, the song represents the Muslim world as a monolithic other, against which these holy wars are justified. This narrative not only reinforced the existing Christian-Muslim dichotomy but also resonated with the audience's religious sentiments and the geopolitical realities of the time.

Therefore, the popularity, reputation, and impact of the Chant were substantially shaped by the tastes and cultural context of its audience. The epic not only reflects the zeitgeist of its times with its themes of valor, faith, and conflict but also actively participates in the cultural and religious discourses of the eleventh century, promoting the crusading ideology that was central to the period’s religious and political life. The poem's last stanza powerfully advocates for new crusades under the divine protection of Saint Gabriel, directly appealing to Christian kings -de part Deu- to embark on military campaigns as a holy duty ordained by God:

 

Marsile its King, who feareth not God's name,

Mahumet's man, he invokes Apollin's aid,

Nor wards off ills that shall to him attain.

 

Marsile its king, who does not fear the name of God,

A follower of Mahomet, he calls on Apollo for help,

Yet he cannot prevent the misfortunes that will befall him.

 

The Song of Roland strategically omits any mention of the Hispanic March. Acknowledging this political project would have involved recognizing it as a result of political and military negotiations with Muslim governors (walis), and it would imply the acceptance that it was not feasible to wage an outright war against the Emirate of Cordoba. Thus, in the narrative of the song, Charlemagne's campaign in the Ebro Valley is portrayed not as an effort to establish and secure such a march to strengthen the Carolingian Empire, but rather as a crusade to combat the infidels in the context of a holy war.

In the context of the epic, the necessity of portraying a sacred war motivated the transformation of historical Basques into Saracens (sarrazins) or generic pagans (paiens), and at times, completely omitting any reference to the Basques to avoid historical discomfort. This literary alteration allowed Charlemagne to be idealized as a Christian hero commanded by Saint James himself, under the auspices and guidance of Saint Gabriel—who not only appears in the emperor's dreams but also escorts Roland's soul to Paradise. While this narrative inclusion is echoed in the Historia Caroli Magni et Rotholandi, the Chanson itself does not detail Santiago's dream but rather commences abruptly in the midst of the campaign, similar to the Iliad's focus on the final year of the Trojan War after a prolonged seven-year conflict.

This portrayal of a holy war also cleverly recasts a war of aggression as a liberative and restorative campaign, where the Saracens are depicted as the aggressors occupying the ancient Christian lands where the remains of Apostle Saint James are believed to rest. Under the guardianship of Saint Gabriel, who communicates through divine intervention, the campaign led by Charlemagne is infused with a "reconquest" narrative, positioning the Song of Roland as one of the medieval precursors to highlight this motif in Christian literature.

Despite the poet's need to rhetorically reshape the imperialistic endeavors into palatable tales of valiant warfare for an audience that reveled in martial exploits and robust epics, he meticulously recounts the capture, destruction, and pillaging of various strongholds that capitulated to Charlemagne's advancing troops during the 778 campaign, including significant cities such as Pamplona (referred to as Noples), Tudela, and Cortes (Cordres). This detailed account serves not only to glorify the martial prowess of the Carolingian army but also to solidify the epic's historical foundation amidst its legendary embellishments:

 

Merry and bold is now that Emperour,

Cordres he holds, the walls are tumbled down,

His catapults have battered town and tow'r.

Great good treasure his knights have placed in pound,

Silver and gold and many a jewelled gown.

In that city there is no pagan now

But he been slain, or takes the Christian vow.

 

The Emperor is now merry and bold,

He holds Cordres, its walls have been razed,

His catapults have battered town and tower.

Great treasures have his knights secured,

Silver and gold, and many a jeweled gown.

In that city, not a single pagan remains

Who has not been slain or converted to Christianity.